The recent scandal involving top politicians from the ruling party, Civic Platform, had a potential to uproot its popular support and grant victory in the next elections to its opponents. But a way of defusing the affair may be shown as an textbook example of solving political crises.
Let us start from the beginning. After the 2005 elections the triumphant Law and Justice established a new governmental agency – Central Anticorruption Bureau (Centralne Biuro Korupcyjne – CBA) – in order to pursue one of the most explicit goals of party agenda. As the PiS chairman and mastermind Jaroslaw Kaczynski proclaimed, Polish politics and economy has been dominated by the so-called uklad (“deal”) – vast network of informal and illegal connections with mafia and corrupt security agencies which hindered the national development. CBA, led by staunch anti-Communist Mariusz Kaminski, started to fight with that ephemeral notion, gaining controversial and rather mixed results. Nonetheless, after the new elections in 2007 and victory of more liberal Civic Platform the new prime minister Donald Tusk decided to retain Kaminski at his post, feeling his zeal would discipline other politicians from his party, who could potentially hinder Tusk’s support and dream about the presidency. The Bureau kept a rather low profile in the last years, being occupied mainly with arresting fraudulent football players and referees.
Logo of CBA
The dubious
activities of CBA under the Law and Justice government came however under judicial scrutiny as one of
local prosecutor offices decided to file charges against Kaminski for his
actions regarding minor coalition parties of that time. Just when the Bureau’s
director was to be charged with misuse of powers and interrogated by the
prosecutor, the right-wing paper Rzeczpospolita
which has been sympathizing with Kaczynski for several years printed
recordings from another CBA’s operation, this time related with the so-called
gambling bill. The proposed novelization of the law regulating gambling
business in Poland, lobbied for by entrepreneurs from that industry, could, according
to the Bureau, seriously hurt Polish public finances. And the published records
proved without a shadow of doubt those businessmen convinced to lobby in their
name some politicians from the core of ruling party: chairman of the Civic Platform parliamentary caucus Zbigniew Chlebowski and minister of sport Miroslaw
Drzewiecki.
What is more, conversation between them suggested that eminence grise of the government, the immensely powerful deputy PM Grzegorz Schetyna might also be involved. The media and the opposition had a feast unknown in years. The first for a long time scandal involving top ruling policymakers encouraged their political opponents and pundits to cast serious doubts on the future of the government and the ruling party itself. Tusk and Schetyna disappeared from the public view. Chlebowski and Drzewiecki tried to defend themselves on their own but those attempts were disastrous. Both the left- and the right-wing opposition called for formation of special parliamentary committee which would clarify the matter and bash Civiv Platform from all its might. Civic Platform was initially seen as unable to react quickly. But the time has proven that approach was right.
Donald Tusk, the prime minister of Poland. Author: Sebastian Zwez. Lic. Creative Commons Attribution Deutschland 3.0
After some time taken for reflection Tusk did not hesitate to act decisively and cut big names from his surroundings. Chlebowski and Drzewiecki, still reassuring about their clean intentions, submitted their resignations. As the situation progressed, the PM reacted accordingly. Deputy minister of economy Adam Szejnfeld, who was most likely also interested in changing the bill, was as well asked to leave, despite attempts of his superior Waldemar Pawlak. The same fate met minister of justice Andrzej Czuma whose unconditional support for Drzewiecki and Chlebowski cast doubts about the impartiality of judicial system in solving the case. Last but not least, Tusk decided to finally fire Kaminski who, while being interrogated by the prosecutor, in his uncompromising stance publicly accused the prime minister of paralyzing the Bureau’s activities.
But the true example of political mastery is resolving the situation of Schetyna. Tusk’s closest accomplice was indeed removed from government but under completely different conditions than that of Chlebowski or Czuma. Schetyna, officially proclaimed by Tusk to be clean, is to replace Chlebowski as the chief of caucus and supervise the establishment of special committee, which is for now also supported by Civic Platform. This solution does not diminish Schetyna’s status (after all he is a man who does not need formal position to have power) and allows the party to gain control of a tool which otherwise would be used against it. The committee won’t be able to force Tusk or Schetyna to testify when the latter will be its chairman and its activities will most likely end with the conclusion Drzewiecki and Chlebowski acted alone.
Maciej Jozefowicz

